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Red Terror (Spain)
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Red Terror (Spain) : ウィキペディア英語版
Red Terror (Spain)

The Red Terror in Spain ((スペイン語:Terror Rojo))〔''Unearthing Franco's Legacy'', Julian Casanova, pp. 105-106, University of Notre Dame Press, 2010 ISBN 0-268-03268-8〕 is the name given by historians to various acts of violence committed from 1936 until the end of the Spanish Civil War "by sections of nearly all the leftist groups".〔〔Beevor, Antony (2006), The Battle For Spain; The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, p. 81 Weidenfeld and Nicholson〕 News of the rightist military coup in 1936 unleashed a social revolutionary response, and no republican region escaped revolutionary and anticlerical violence - though in the Basque Country this was minimal.〔Mary Vincent, ''The Splintering of Spain'', pp. 70-71〕 The violence consisted of the killing of tens of thousands of people (including 6,832 members of the Catholic clergy, the vast majority in the summer of 1936 in the wake of the military rising), as well as attacks on landowners, industrialists, and politicians, and the desecration and burning of monasteries and churches.〔
A process of political polarisation had characterised the Spanish Second Republic – party divisions became increasingly embittered and questions of religious identity came to assume a major political significance. Electorally, the Church had identified itself with the Right, which had set itself against social reform.〔Hilari Raguer, ''Gunpowder and Incense'', p. 115〕
The failed ''pronunciamiento'' of 1936 set loose a violent onslaught on those that revolutionaries in the Republican zone identified as enemies; "where the rebellion failed, for several months afterwards merely to be identified as a priest, a religious or simply a militant Christian or member of some apostolic or pious organization, was enough for a person to be executed without trial".〔Raguer, p. 126〕
In recent years the Catholic Church has beatified hundreds of the victims, 498 of them on 28 October 2007 in a spectacular ceremony, the largest single number of beatifications in the church's history.〔http://www.catholic.org/international/international_story.php?id=25781〕
Some estimates of the Red Terror range from 38,000〔Beevor, Antony. ''The Battle for Spain; The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939''. Penguin Books. 2006. London. p. 87〕 to 72,344 lives.〔de la Cueva, Julio, "Religious Persecution", ''Journal of Contemporary History'', 3, 198, pp. 355-369. 〕 Paul Preston, speaking in 2012 at the time of the publication of his book ''The Spanish Holocaust'', put the figure at a little under 50,000.
Historian Julio de la Cueva has written that, "despite the fact that the Church... suffer() appalling persecution" in the Loyalist rearguard, the events have so far met not only with "the embarrassing partiality of ecclesiastical scholars, but also with the embarrassed silence or attempts at justification of a large number of historians and memoirists".〔 Analysts such as Helen Graham have linked the Red and White Terrors, pointing out that it was the military coup that allowed the culture of brutal violence to flourish. Graham wrote of the coup, "...its original act of violence was that it killed off the possibility of other forms of peaceful political evolution".〔''Unearthing Franco's Legacy'', University of Notre Dame Press, ISBN 0-268-03268-8 p. 7〕 Others see the persecution and violence as predating the coup and found in what they see as a "radical and antidemocratic" anticlericalism of the Republic and its constitution, including dissolution of the Jesuits in 1932, nationalization of virtually all church property in 1933, prohibition on teaching religion in schools, prohibition on teaching by clergy, and violent persecution proper beginning in 1934 in Asturias with the murder of 37 priests, religious and seminarians and burning of 58 churches.〔
==Background==
The revolution of 1931 that established the Second Republic and the Spanish Constitution of 1931 brought to power an anticlerical government.〔(Anticlericalism ) Britannica Online Encyclopedia〕 The relationship between the new secular Republic and the Catholic Church, who resented it, was fraught from the start. Cardinal Pedro Segura, the primate of Spain, urged Catholics to vote in future elections against an administration which in his view wanted to destroy religion.〔A. Beevor, ''Battle for Spain'' p.23〕 Those who sought to lead the 'ordinary faithful' had insisted that Catholics had only one political choice — the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right (CEDA): "Voting for the CEDA was presented as a simple duty; good Catholics would go to Mass on Sunday and support the political right".〔Mary Vincent, ''Catholicism in the Spanish Second Republic'', p. 1〕
The constitution was largely sound, generally according thorough civil liberties and representation, the notable exclusion being the rights of Catholics, a flaw which prevented the forming of an expansive democratic majority.〔(Payne, Stanley G. ''A History of Spain and Portugal'', Vol. 2, Ch. 25, p. 632 (Print Edition: University of Wisconsin Press, 1973) (LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE Accessed May 30, 2007) )〕 The controversial articles 26 and 27 of the constitution, strictly controlled Church property and prohibited religious orders from engaging in education.〔Smith, Angel, (Historical Dictionary of Spain ), p. 195, Rowman & Littlefield 2008〕 Not only advocates of establishment of religion but also advocates of church/state separation saw the constitution as hostile; one such advocate of separation, Jose Ortega y Gasset, stated "the article in which the Constitution legislates the actions of the Church seems highly improper to me".〔Paz, Jose Antonio Souto (Perspectives on religious freedom in Spain ) Brigham Young University Law Review Jan. 1, 2001〕 In 1933, Pope Pius XI condemned the Spanish Government's deprivation of the civil liberties of Catholics in the encyclical Dilectissima Nobis (On Oppression Of The Church Of Spain )".〔Dilectissima Nobis, 2〕
Historian Vicente Carcel Orti asserts that anticlerical Freemasons played a large part in the anti-Catholic acts of the government since they held key government positions, including at least 183 deputies in the Cortes (the Spanish parliament), and thus were instrumental in the making of anti-Catholic laws.〔Redzioch, Wlodzimierz (interviewing historian Vicente Carcel Orti) (The Martyrs of Spain's Civil War ), Catholic Culture〕 As early as March 1933 Abilia Arroyo de Roman had declared at a rally in the Salamancan pueblo of Macotera that Spain was governed by Masonic lodges, intent on 'decatholicizing' Spain, while the ''Gaceta Regional'' blamed the Law of Congregations on 'an occult power' which had taken refuge in Spain 'in order to carry out its experiments'.
Since the left considered reform of the anticlerical aspects of the constitution as totally unacceptable, Historian Stanley Payne believed "the Republic as a democratic constitutional regime was doomed from the outset".〔 and it has been posited that such a "hostile" approach to the issues of church and state were a substantial cause of the breakdown of democracy and the onset of civil war.〔Stepan, Alfred, (Arguing Comparative Politics ), p. 221, Oxford University Press〕 One legal commentator has stated plainly "the gravest mistake of the Constitution of 1931—Spain's last democratic Constitution prior to 1978—was its hostile attitude towards the Catholic Church".〔Martinez-Torron, Javier (Freedom of religion in the case law of the Spanish Constitutional court ) Brigham Young University Law Review 2001〕
The historian Mary Vincent, in her study of the Church in Salamanca in the 1930s, believes this Republican legislation, in affecting the devotional lives of ordinary Catholics, "greatly eased the task of its opponents".
Following the general election of February 16, 1936, political bitterness grew in Spain. Violence between the government and its supporters, the Popular Front, whose leadership was clearly moving towards the left (abandoning constitutional Republicanism for leftist revolution〔(Payne ) p. 646–647.〕) and the opposition accelerated, culminating in a military revolt of right-wing generals in July of that year. As the year progressed Nationalist and Republican persecution grew, and republicans began attacking churches, occupying land for redistribution and attacking nationalist politicians in a process of tit-for-tat violence.

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